Seven Reasons Why Americans Pay So Much for Health Care

Ken Alltucker at USA Today recently published a piece titled Seven reasons why Americans pay more for health care than any other nation. It starts off:

Americans spend far more on health care than anywhere else in the world but we have the lowest life expectancy among large, wealthy countries.

A lot of that can be explained by the unique aspects of our health care system. Among other things, we reward doctors more for medical procedures than for keeping people healthy, keep costs hidden from customers and spend money on tasks that have nothing to do making patients feel better.

“We spend more on administrative costs than we do on caring for heart disease and caring for cancer,” said Harvard University economist David Cutler. “It’s just an absurd amount.”

The article notes that the whole system is skewed towards high costs. It is not just profiteering insurance companies. Seven factors are listed. I will excerpt them in italics below, and close with a few of my comments.

Reason 1: Lack of price limits

U.S. hospitals have more specialists than do medical facilities in other nations. Having access to 24/7 specialty care, particularly for hospitals in major metro areas, drives up costs… Patients have more elbow room and privacy here. U.S. hospitals typically have either one or two patients per room, unlike facilities abroad that tend to have open wards with rows of beds, Chernew said. He said differences in labor markets and regulatory requirements also can pack on costs.

Of the $4.5 trillion spent on U.S. health care in 2022, hospitals collected 30% of that total health spending, according to data from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. Doctors rank second at 20%. Prescription drugs accounted for 9% and health insurance − both private health insurance and government programs such as Medicare and Medicaid − collect 7% in administrative costs.

Reason 2: Hospitals and doctors get paid for services, not outcomes

Doctors, hospitals and other providers are paid based on the number of tests and procedures they order, not necessarily whether patients get better.  The insurer pays the doctor, hospital or lab based on negotiated, in-network rates between the two parties.

Critics of this fee-for-service payment method says it rewards quantity over quality. Health providers who order more tests or procedures get more lucrative payments whether the patients improve or not.

Reason 3: Specialists get paid much more ‒ and want to keep it that way

Doctors who provide specialty care such as cardiologists or cancer doctors get much higher payments from Medicare and private insurers than primary care doctors.

Some see that as a system that rewards doctors who specialize in caring for patients with complex medical conditions while skimping on pay for primary care doctors who try to prevent or limit disease.

[My comment: There is a saying in management science that your system is perfectly designed for the results you are getting. In other nations with a fixed pot of money, doled out by the government, to mainly non-profit health providers, there is (in theory, at least) an incentive system that would work towards minimizing overall health expenses. In the U.S., though, we have a mainly for-profit system, that collects more moolah the more health problems we have, and the more expensive are the treatments. Most healthcare providers try to be noble-minded and work for the good of their patients, but still the overall financial incentives are what they are.  The health insurance companies are one of the few forces working against endless upward spiraling of healthcare costs. ]

Under the current system, doctors are chosen or approved by the American Medical Association to a 32-member committee which recommends values for medical services that Medicare then considers when deciding how much to pay doctors. Some have compared the idea of doctors setting their own payscale to the proverbial fox guarding the henhouse.

Reason 4: Administrative costs inflate health spending

One of the biggest sources of wasted medical spending is on administrative costsseveral experts told USA TODAY….Harvard’s Cutler estimates that up to 25% of medical spending is due to administrative costs.

Health insurers often require doctors and hospitals to get authorization before performing procedures or operations. Or they mandate “step therapy,” which makes patients try comparable lower-cost prescription drugs before coverage for a doctor-recommended drug kicks in.  These mandates trigger a flurry of communication and tasks for both health insurers and doctors.

Reason 5: Health care pricing is a mystery

Patients often have no idea how much a test or a procedure will cost before they go to a clinic or a hospital. Health care prices are hidden from the public. …An MRI can cost $300 or $3,000, depending on where you get it. A colonoscopy can run you $1,000 to $10,000.

Economists cited these examples of wide-ranging health care prices in a request that Congress pass the Health Care Price Transparency Act 2.0, which would require hospitals and health providers to disclose their prices.

Reason 6: Americans pay far more for prescription drugs than people in other wealthy nations

There are no price limits on prescription drugs, and Americans pay more for these life-saving medications than residents of other wealthy nations.

U.S prescription drug prices run more than 2.5 times those in 32 comparable countries, according to a 2023 HHS report…. Novo Nordisk charged $969 a month for Ozempic in the U.S. ‒ while the same drug costs $155 in Canada, $122 in Denmark, and $59 in Germany, according to a document submitted by Sanders.

[My comment: Yes, this disparity irks me greatly].

Reason 7: Private Equity

Wall Street investors who control private equity firms have taken over hospitals and large doctors practices, with the primary goal of making a profit. The role of these private equity investors has drawn increased scrutiny from government regulators and elected officials.

One example is the high-profile bankruptcy of Steward Health Care, which formed in 2010 when a private equity firm, acquired a financially struggling nonprofit hospital chain from the Archdiocese of Boston.

Private equity investors also have targeted specialty practices in certain states and metro regions.

Last year, the Federal Trade Commission sued U.S. Anesthesia Partners over its serial acquisition of practices in Texas, alleging these deals violated antitrust laws and inflated prices for patients. …FTC Chair Lina Khan has argued such rapid acquisitions allowed the doctors and private equity investors to raise prices for anesthesia services and collect “tens of millions of extra dollars for these executives at the expense of Texas patients and businesses.”

[ This also concerns me. That anesthesia monopoly should never have been allowed, in my opinion. The reason the PE firm paid to acquire all those individual practices was so that they could raise prices while minimizing services. Duh. That is the PE gamebook. When they do a corporate takeover, they nearly always fire employees and raise prices on products, to goose profits. This would not be a problem if the business were, say, selling pet rocks, but healthcare is different.

In many metro areas now, nearly all healthcare providers (even if they seem to retain their private practices) have become part of one or two mega conglomerates that cover the area. I feel fortunate because at least on of the mega conglomerates in my area is a high-quality non-profit, but I pity those whose only choice is between two for-profits.]

Final comments: I think another factor here is in our private enterprise system, it is so costly to become a doctor that they have to charge relatively high fees to compensate. This leads to a system where there are layers and layers of admins and nurses to shield you from actually seeing the doctor. As an example, I sliced my finger a couple of years ago, and went to an urgent care facility. There was an admin at the desk who took down my insurance info and relayed my condition to the back. Some time later, an aide took me back and weighed me and took my blood pressure. I think a nurse swung by as well. Finally, The Doctor Himself sailed in, to actually patch me up. And of course there were layers of administrative paperwork between me, the care facility, and my insurance company, to settle all the charges.

In contrast, a friend told me that when he broke his arm in the UK, he went to the local clinic, which was staffed by a doctor, and no one else. The doc set his arm, charged him some nominal fee, and sent him on his way.

There are other factors, I’m sure, such as the unhealthy lifestyle choices of many Americans. Think: obesity and opioids, among others.  I suspect that is to blame for the poorer health outcomes in this country, more than the healthcare system.

In favor of the current U.S. system, although we pay much more, I think we do get something in return. It seems that with a good health plan, the availability of procedures is better in the U.S. than in many other countries, though I am open to correction on that.

Not Crazy: Insurance Premiums

Higher homeowner’s insurance premiums have been in the news. But are we just hearing about the extreme cases? This post is inspired by the FRED Blog post about property and casualty (P&C) insurance premium producer price indices. I dive a little deeper.

The insurance premium data is composed of seven components:

  1. Private passenger auto insurance
  2. Homeowner’s insurance
  3. Commercial auto insurance
  4. Non-auto liability insurance
  5. Commercial multiple peril insurance
  6. Worker’s compensation insurance
  7. Other property and casualty insurance

Non-auto liability insurance is further split up into A) medical malpractice insurance and B) other non-auto liability insurance.*

Continue reading

Regulation and Delayed Updates: Why Services Inflation Will Likely Stay High

Apart from some possible geopolitical upset (and theater with the debt ceiling), the Big Issue for the larger economy, and for investing decisions, remains how fast inflation will decline – since that governs how soon the Fed can relent on keeping interest rates high. Those high interest rates are having all kinds of knock-on effects, including bank failures and suppressed home sales.

The investing market seems to be pricing in expectations of significant Fed rate cuts before the end of 2023, which in turn presupposes that inflation will have ratcheted downwards far enough by then to allow the Fed to declare victory. Goods inflation (= mainly stuff made in China) has declined nicely, but services (which comprise the majority of household spending) remains high. It is coming down, but too slowly to realistically hit the Fed’s 2% target this year.

In an article in the Seeking Alpha site title Services Inflation Is Stuck, the investment firm Blackrock notes some technical factors that will likely keep services inflation high for at least the remainder of this year. I will paste in their text in italics:

Core Services ex-Shelter inflation is a bit of a hodgepodge that includes things like medical care services, video and audio services, tuition, and insurance. It comprises roughly a quarter of the CPI basket and, importantly for the Fed, is very domestically oriented.

A key insight from this article is that nearly two-thirds of this key “Core Services ex-Shelter” component consists of:

(1) Service prices that are regulated (especially insurance), and

(2) Services with infrequent price resets (such as tuition and especially medical services):

There are technical factors that make it likely that these particular items will see ongoing, sticky inflation:

Impact of Regulated Prices

Regulated prices tend to be more discrete and more lagged in their changes due to bureaucratic delays and their negotiated nature. Some types of regulated prices, like postage or water and sewage fees, are easily recognizable as subject to government regulation. Somewhat less intuitive is the degree to which insurance in the United States is a regulated price. Insurance comprises the largest share of Core Services ex-Shelter basket and state-level insurance commissioners play important roles in negotiating auto, property, and casualty insurance price changes.

The underwriting costs of insurance have been surging globally – a combination of higher reinsurance premiums, inflated asset values, and more natural disasters. These rising costs have only just begun to flow through into consumer prices; auto insurance costs were an upside surprise within March’s CPI report.

Jumps in Medical and Education Prices Will Appear Later

Though the market has been fixated on the painstaking details of the month-over-month inflation prints, many of the sub-components of the CPI do not update monthly. Two of the more important items within the core services basket – medical care services and tuition – only update their prices annually. Coincidentally, updates for both of these categories take place in the autumn, and both are set to rise strongly.

Medical care services are the largest component (28%) of Core Services ex-Shelter, but have a complex and lagged computation and update only once a year in October. Medical services inflation has been negative since last October as a consequence of excess consumer demand for post-pandemic doctors’ visits, however, we expect this mechanical effect will abate later this year and thereafter lift core services inflation.

Tuition is another example of a service with intermittent price resets, given prices are set on the basis of the academic year. We expect the broad-based upward wage pressure in education to be passed through to higher education consumer prices later this year when students return to school.

And so…I expect “higher for longer” inflation and interest rates.

Warren Buffett’s Secret Sauce: Investing the Insurance “Float”

Warren Buffett is referred to as “the legendary investor Warren Buffett” or “the sage of Omaha”. The success of his Berkshire Hathaway fund is remarkable. He is also a pretty nice guy, and every year writes (with help, I’m sure) a letter describing the activities of his fund, along with general observations on investing and the economy. His letter covering 2022 was published two weeks ago.

Buffett noted that he and his team invest in companies in two ways: by buying shares to become a partial “owner” along with thousands of other shareholders, and also by buying ownership of the whole company. They aim to hold American companies that have a good business model, and will keep growing profits for years or decades. They look for great businesses at great prices, but they would rather buy a great business at a good price, than to buy a (merely) good business at a great price.

He was refreshingly honest about his overall stock picking record:

In 58 years of Berkshire management, most of my capital-allocation decisions have been no better than so-so. In some cases, also, bad moves by me have been rescued by very large doses of luck. (Remember our escapes from near-disasters at USAir and Salomon? I certainly do.) Our satisfactory results have been the product of about a dozen truly good decisions – that would be about one every five years – and a sometimes-forgotten advantage that favors long-term investors such as Berkshire.

In 1994 they bought a then-huge stake ($ 1.3 billion) in Coca-Cola, and another $1.3 billion stake in American Express. As it turned out, these two companies had the staying power that Buffet had anticipated, and have grown enormously in value over the past three decades.

In addition to their wholesome stock-picking philosophy, the “secret sauce” of Berkshire Hathaway is having the available funds to make those great investments in those great companies. These funds came large from the “float” from their insurance businesses. In Buffett’s words:

In 1965, Berkshire was a one-trick pony, the owner of a venerable – but doomed – New England textile operation. With that business on a death march, Berkshire needed an immediate fresh start. Looking back, I was slow to recognize the severity of its problems. And then came a stroke of good luck: National Indemnity became available in 1967, and we shifted our resources toward insurance and other non-textile operations.

The insurance business is interesting, in that clients pay in money “now”, but it does not get paid out until “later”. The insurance company has the money to own and manage until there is some claim event (e.g., someone dies or gets their home flooded) perhaps many years later.  The traditional, conservative way for insurance companies to manage this float money was to invest it in low-paying but ultra-safe investment grade bonds.

Buffett’s key secret to success was to realize that he could invest at least part of these float funds in stocks, which would (hopefully!) over time make much more money than bonds. That gave him the cash to make those great investments in Coke and Amex. And his fund continues to have billions in hand to make strategic investments. He has made a bundle bailing out good companies that fell into short term difficulties. In his words:

Berkshire’s unmatched financial strength allows its insurance subsidiaries to follow valuable and enduring investment strategies unavailable to virtually all competitors. Aided by Alleghany, our insurance float increased during 2022 from $147 billion to $164 billion. With disciplined underwriting, these funds have a decent chance of being cost-free over time. Since purchasing our first property-casualty insurer in 1967, Berkshire’s float has increased 8,000-fold through acquisitions, operations and innovations. Though not recognized in our financial statements, this float has been an extraordinary asset for Berkshire.

You, too, can participate in Buffett’s investing magic, by buying shares in Berkshire Hathaway. The stock symbol is BRK.B. (Disclosure: I own a few shares). Buffett has been skeptical of flashy tech stocks, and so BRK.B’s performance lagged the S&P 500 fund SPY in 2020-2021, but over the long term Berkshire (orange line in chart below) has crushed the S&P: