Author: Zachary Bartsch

College Major & Income Sources

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We already know that economists earn more income on average. But when and how one earns income matters for how you spend your time both now and in the future. Being more productive affords the option to earn more money by working. For that matter, it also affords the option of staying home or pursuing passion projects at work or elsewhere.  Earning more money earlier in life also has implications for how you spend your time later in life.

Specifically, given the choice, you may choose to work less as a young adult so that you can spend more time with your family. The tradeoff isn’t just whether to work now or spend more quality time with others. After all, money can be saved for the future. Choosing to work less (or for a lower salary) today means that you may choose to work more in the future in order to achieve your desired standard of living. Personally, assuming I make it to old age, I would very much like to afford spending time with my family.

The more that you earn earlier in life, the more that you can save and invest for the future. The more that you save, the more that you can enjoy the fruits of compound interest. It’s not just a matter of earning more now rather than later. If you work and save now, then your future income can be passive. That is, your future earnings won’t require you to spend your time in an office or otherwise employed. You can still do that if you want, but you wouldn’t *need* to.  By having more retirement, investment, and social security income, your future self will earn plenty of income without spending as much time formally working.  You can instead spend time with loved ones or on other pursuits.

Below is the stacked bar graph of average income sources over each decadal age cohort. All data is from the 2024 ACS, so it’s just a snapshot in time rather than following individuals over the course of their life. I singled out people with Economics, Finance, and other 4-year college degrees. Economists make the most lifetime income if we count salary and other compensation alone. But if we look at the older cohorts, economics majors also earn more passive income. You’d think that Finance majors would earn more from investments. But among people in their 70s, economics majors earn more investment and retirement account income. Finance majors do earn more social security in that cohort, however.

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Income By Major (ACS 2024)

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A chart showing the average income by major was recently making the rounds on social media. So, I tried to replicate it. It turned out that some of the college majors were omitted. That part actually makes sense. The 2024 American Community Survey includes 174 degree fields – which is way too many for a clearly labeled bar chart. So, for local advertisement, I used only the majors and their equivalents that are offered at my university.  That chart is below (unweighted).

These are just raw average earnings by college major for employed adults. They all have decent sample sizes. Below is the cumulate distribution of sample size for each major. The smallest sample size is 45 (Military Technologies) and only 3% have sample sizes below 100. Only 34% have sample sizes below 1k.

You better believe that my colleagues and I show this chart to every single one of our classes. Obviously, it’s truncated from the full 174 majors, but it’s the relevant chart for us. If we use the full sample of college majors, Economics ($170k) drops to 3rd highest income, behind “Petroleum Engineering” ($173k) and “Health and Medical Preparatory Programs” ($183k). To be perfectly honest, those latter two sound a lot more difficult and have surprisingly little pay bump in compensation. Being more difficult is also consistent with the smaller sample size Economics=13k, Petroleum Engineering=343, and Health and Medical Preparatory Programs=1,099.  

One challenge that I’ve heard about the chart is that top business schools, such as Wharton, have Economics majors and various business concentrations. So, those top performing financiers are getting categorized as Economics in a way that is a bit misleading to young students elsewhere who are trying to decide on a major. If that’s true, then we should see Economics drop in the rankings if we omit the top-most earners.  After all, the criticism is that they’re pulling up the average.

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Problems with Price Stability

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Inflation targeting has been the goal of central banks for decades now, either implicitly or explicitly. Of course, they say that they have multiple goals, but they give most attention to the price level. That’s probably because it is easy to measure and more directly related to their activities than the unemployment rate and private financial activity. Price level targeting and inflation targeting are not quite the same thing – but I’m not in favor of either. This post describes what happens when the central bank targets the price level and offsets other changes in the economy in order to achieve their goal.

Volatile Capital Prices

If consumer prices are constant in the face of productivity shocks, then capital prices adjust instead. Capital is just goods that create other goods. If capital becomes more productive, then that means being able to produce more at given prices or being able to produce given quantities at lower costs. The demand for capital is ultimately determined by how profitable it is. This includes the costs of maintenance, the price of output, and the capital’s productivity. All else constant, changes in the revenue produced by the capital for the firm affect the equilibrium price of capital.  

If NGDP is constant and capital productivity improves, then output rises and consumer prices would fall. With unit price elasticity of output demanded, the total revenue of the firm remains constant and the nominal capital price does too. The 19th century gold standards had plenty of problems. But one feature was that long-run consumer prices fell and long-run capital prices were more stable.

If, instead, the Fed stokes NGDP to prop up consumer prices, then the firm’s revenue rises. Demand for the capital rises and so does its price. The opposite occurs when there is a negative productivity shock. So, capital price volatility is the trade-off for consumer price level stability if productivity changes. We can argue about which price volatility is better in regard to inequality, investment planning, financial stability, etc. But my strong low-hanging fruit point is that consumer price volatility just pushes the equilibrating mechanism to a different set of prices.

Volatile Income

As I said above, if the Fed wants stable consumer prices, then it must offset the impacts of productivity shocks with changes in aggregate demand – its only lever. Negative productivity shocks are offset with aggregate demand contractions.  

People act like they have adaptive expectations. Of course, people differ by how forward-looking they are. So, on average, their expectations are formed by what happened during the prior period or the last time that they observed a similar circumstance. Why does this matter?

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High Income Rentals are Low Income Rentals

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Have you heard about the abundance movement? It basically says that we should enact a mix of regulatory and supply side reforms in order to produce more for everyone, especially the least economically advantaged. The reforms extend to the housing market and ensuring adequate housing.

There’s an argument that building any housing, even at the high end, can reduce the cost of shelter for everyone – even people who would never live in the newly built housing. The idea is that high income people switch to the newly built housing and leave less attractive housing. Someone else in that high income bracket snatches up the older place, leaving their prior housing vacant. The vacancy shuffles around high priced rentals until, ultimately, the vacant rental price must fall in order to attract a renter, such as someone further down the income distribution. Then the entire process continues, with the game of vacancy musical chairs working its way down the renter income distribution.

The more overlap that there is between housing consumption choices the quicker there is an impact on lower priced housing.   If you think that high income people consume higher priced housing, then you might think that there is a substantial difference between housing consumption choices and that it will take a long time for this ‘trickle down’ to get to the people who need it most. If income groups compete more for the same housing, then the effects on price will occur sooner for the lower income people.

How much Rental Overlap is there?

Miami, Florida has some of the highest housing costs in the US. Below is a histogram of annual rental costs in Miami by household income quartile (ACS 2024).   I restricted the data to positive incomes and rents and the highest rents are censored down to $98.4k annually. First, we can definitely see that the highest incomes (quartile 4) have the most censored annual rents and that the 1st income quartile (lowest) has the most annual rent payments nearer to zero. So, the histograms make sense in that way. But I was surprised by how much overlap there is. Different income quartiles are consuming many units in the same price range!

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Announcing the Disability Records Project

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Did you know that we have access to digital copies of the historical US census rolls? You can also find the digitized data at IPUMS. However, the data for people with disabilities is not great. It depends on the year, but those data have error rates on the order of 20% or higher.  We have the digital census rolls, the data just doesn’t match them.

So, I created a non-install windows computer application that lets people identify disabled people on those digital census rolls. Complemented with machine learning, my goal is to improve the accuracy of historical records about people with disabilities. Historical and quantitative research about disabled populations is relatively thin. We can do better. If you have students who would benefit from this research experience, then do please let me know! I can approve your institution’s email domain and we can get started.

The application is really straightforward with basically two user-facing features.

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So Many Prime Ministers

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There has been a lot of shade thrown at the United Kingdom recently from economists and political scientists. Economic growth has gone down the tubes and there have been six prime ministers over the past decade. As an American, I didn’t really know if that was a lot. The social media says that we’ve had a lot of turnover recently. Is six prime ministers in ten years a lot in the UK’s parliamentary system? I grew up watching Tony Blair on TV for a ten-year stretch. But I had no context for the historical norm or whether there is any precedent. Here I look at the data.

Right now, there are a record number of former prime ministers still living (PM). Prior to the recent spike, the maximum number of living people who had left office was five. Right now in 2026, there that number is nine! And if the current PM, Andy Burnham, follows the recent trend of short stints in office, then they’ll hit ten. As an American, it’s hard for me to imagine having 10 living former presidents. According to the below charts, the British are probably a bit jarred too!

Why So Many?

In last week’s post I noted that we’re tied for the most living former presidents. But truly, the UK’s numbers are what inspired me to look at this topic in the first place. To recap, the number of living ex-executives can be caused by 1) Longer lifespans, 2) Leaving office at a younger age, and 3) More unique executives. In the US, being currently tied for the record is overwhelmingly driven by longer lifespans. What about the UK?

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So Many Living Ex-Presidents

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If you count president Trump, the number of living former presidents is at a historic high of five (Clinton, G.W. Bush, Obama, Trump, Biden). The number of living ex-presidents can increase for three reasons. 1) More people becoming president, 2) ex-presidents having longer lifespans, and 3) presidents leaving office earlier in life. Why do we have so many right now?

The historical maximum number of people who both 1) leave office and 2) live simultaneously with others is five. It first happened in 1861 when Abraham Lincoln (16th) was president for just under a year before John Tyler (10th) died in 1862. Since then, the number of living ex-presidents has been mostly below four if not below 3.  The figures below graph the number of people living who have been US president. The left graph uses daily data and the right uses the annual average (weighted by day).

In fact, besides Washington, we’ve had four other periods when there were ZERO ex-presidents living. The first was under Grant (18th). This changes my perspective of that period. Living ex-presidents provide a sense of continuity – that something from the past continues today. They give us hope that our country will continue into the future. Grant presided over part of the reconstruction era. For part of this presidency, there was no one else who knew how he felt and no living person who had been in his position. What a tenuous time!*

The other presidents who, at some point, had no living predecessors were Theodore Roosevelt (26th), Herbert Hoover (31st), and Richard Nixon (37th). But since 1981, we’ve had three or more living presidents. So, most of us feel like that’s “normal”. Imagine if there was just Trump, and that’s it. That’d feel jarring.

1) Are More People Becoming President?

A presidential term is four years and only one president was in office for more than two terms, Franklin Roosevelt (32nd). Let’s take a 24-year trailing average. With 8-year tenures, the least number of presidents is 3. With 4-year tenures, the greatest number of presidents is 6. Assassinations and other deaths of sitting presidents can push the number higher. The graph below is the number of unique people to act as head of state over the prior 24 years (I say ‘unique’ because Cleveland (22nd & 24th) and Trump (45th & 47th) both served two non-consecutive terms).

We can conclude that the number of unique presidents is not exceptionally high at this time. The historical average is about 5.2 unique presidents. We’ve been below that since 1998 owing to a higher proportion of two-term presidents since then. Before Biden (46th), Bush (41st) was the last time that we had a one-term president. So, in terms of executive regimes, the 21st century has been unusually stable. But this stability also places downward pressure on the number of surviving ex-presidents. So, we’ve had many living ex-presidents despite our few regime changes. Reason 1) doesn’t explain why we have so many living ex-presidents now.

2) Are President Lifespans Longer?

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Uncertainty Increases Profits?

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Most people have an intuition that uncertainty can harm economic outcomes. Baker, Bloom, & Davis (2016) and Bloom (2009) demonstrated that industrial production and manufacturing decline in the face of policy uncertainty. The typical mechanism that people suggest is that uncertainty about the future causes people to engage in precautionary saving, resulting in fewer sales.

The theory continues that firms consequently decrease production as demand for their output declines. Firms aren’t interested in causing the quantities supplied and demanded to be equal. Rather, they don’t want to produce too many goods that don’t get sold or don’t get sold at an adequate markup. Production is costly.  A related theory is that more persistent or longer-run uncertainty can also depress investment, since the riskier future increases the tail risk of losses.

Rather than make a risky investment, one could instead just hold off and wait for some of that uncertainty to get resolved. There’s tradeoffs to this, of course. As future costs and benefits become clearer, they also get priced-in to asset values. So, there is an optimization problem. The possible downside outcome is big and uncertain. If the risk of the investment gets resolved and the downside outcome is still too likely or harmful, then a project manager did the ex-post ‘right thing’ by waiting.

But, if the downside risk disappears or is found to be very small, then waiting to invest in the project incurs an economic cost. Either 1) the profitable project and its associated profits will occur later and less valuably, or 2) other firms also resolve their uncertainty and bid up the price of the project’s inputs. Invest too early, and the downside is large and uncertain. Invest too late, and you may lose the potential upside partially or entirely.

But can uncertainty systematically increase profits?

Walter Oi said yes.

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By the Numbers: Florida’s Property Tax Amendment (2026)

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Voters this November will face a proposed amendment to the Florida state constitution on property tax reform. Currently, Florida has what’s called a ‘homestead’ exemption of $50,000. If a residential property is your primary residence, then your home’s assessed value is $50k less before taxes are calculated. There is no exemption for rental property or 2nd homes or vacation homes. The proposed amendment increases the exemption to $250k by 2028 and then indexes it to inflation.

First, let’s get an idea of the magnitudes. The median home in Florida is priced at about $400k and the average property tax rate is around 0.8%. Below compares the current consolidated tax bill against that of the proposed amendment. Given current home prices and local tax rates, the new exemption would have a huge impact on municipal governments who get the bulk of their revenue from property tax. In fact, there is no Florida state property tax, so the proposed amendment would adopt a new rule for municipalities and not the state government.

What Motivates the Amendment?

The current homestead exemption of $50k was established in 2008. A subsequent amendment in 2024 allowed half of that to be indexed to CPI-U. The average home price in Florida has risen 114% since 2008 and 84% since 2020. That’s a lot faster than inflation, but the tax burden is partially offset by a maximum of 3% annual increase in assessed value. Regardless, many individuals face a larger tax bill over time even independent of whether their income or use of public services has changed. Plenty people are feeling the squeeze.

What’s the Purpose of the Homestead Exemption?

The exemption is available for primary residences only. That means that rentals and vacation homes do not qualify. It’s important to keep in mind that, given some total revenue, every tax break for one group or activity implies a higher tax rate for others. So, clearly, the effect is to tax residents less and tax seasonal residents and visitors more. Florida doesn’t have an income tax, but it does have a sales tax, gasoline tax, and others that are disproportionately borne by non-residents. Given that higher income individuals tend to have higher home values, the homestead exemption is a way to lower the tax burden of lower income households. Obviously, the lowest income individuals are renters, but so are non-residents who Florida prefers to tax.

The Economics

Homeowners

The exemption is enjoyed by all primary residences, but helps low income owners the most. And, given a stable amount of municipal tax revenue, a higher homestead exemption requires that municipalities replace that revenue. This might take the form of higher local fees and taxes, making life harder for lower income people to, say, own a car or make purchase if taxes on those activities rise. Revenue stability might also be helped by higher property tax rates. The higher the property value is above $250k, the greater the average tax burden that is borne. So, someone with a very high property value may find themselves with an even higher property tax bill after municipalities adjust to the proposed statewide rule. In this sense, the new amendment would be a step in the direction of tax progressivity (a higher proportion taxed from those with higher income/wealth).

Indexing

Normally, I am in favor of indexing nominal values to CPI. In this case, we need to think about what the goal is. Let’s assume that the goals is to provide relief to lower income homeowners specifically and all primary residence homeowners generally. Does indexing to the CPI help? It depends!

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Fiscal Trends: USA’s 250th (And the Government’s 237th)

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We celebrate 250 years since the Declaration of Independence was signed on July 4th, 1776. That’s the day that we celebrate our country’s birth. So, it’s very American of us to celebrate the day that we merely declared independence (not the day that the revolutionary war ended). We simply said we were independent from the crown. Regardless, we celebrate 250 years as a people. BUT, our government is only 237 years old.  The current constitution replaced the articles of confederation in 1789.  So there are some caveats to the whole semiquincentennial thing.

An important distinction that is baked into the American pie is that we are not our government. Our government is younger than we are. Our government has a piggy bank called ‘US Treasury’. It can spend and borrow for the US national government. It can also impose tax liabilities on the population in order to service those outlays. Now that it’s the government’s 237th birthday, what’s its basic financial track record?

I like to think in the long run, for better or for worse, and I don’t like to get hysterical. So, let’s look at the full span of the 237 years – well – 235 years. The oldest annual data that we have is from Bicentennial Historical Statistics, which goes back to 1792. Below are the series for Federal Receipts and Outlays (revenue and spending).

The blue line is in nominal dollars and the orange line is the natural log so that we can see the changes in growth rates more easily. These aren’t inflation adjusted numbers, so we should expect to see some inflationary patterns. Long-run inflation was pretty stable prior to the 1913 Federal Reserve act and wee can see that reflected in both series. There was some drift upward in terms of revenue and expenditures. But the primary pattern was one of punctuated rises followed by plateaus. That’s a pretty standard ratcheting leviathan pattern. There’s a bump up for the big events in the first half of our history: the War of 1812, Civil War in 1861, and World War I in 1917.

Then, after the great depression and leaving the gold standard (mostly), in about 1933 a new and positive trend in cash flows began. In fact, it’s amazing how consistent the raw nominal series is.  We can see where World War II is in the series, but after that we appear to have traded punctuated increases for steady increases. Even the higher inflation rates of the 1970s look pretty muted and on trend (Btw, the blip in 1976 is a record-keeping artifact. There was a 3 month gap-period when the US government changed its fiscal year start/end). Even the new growth in total cashflows seems to be slightly bending downward and growing a little more slowly.

But rest assured, spending has exceeded revenues. Below is the long run deficit. I don’t take the log for this one since there are negative numbers. It’s hard to tell from the line graph, but the first big and persist swing in the deficit arrived after the Fed was established and the onset of WWI. The deficit hit $9 billion in 1918, which was 10x the prior peak of $0.9 billion at the end of the civil war in 1865. Notice that the above government revenues stayed flat or fell after 1920, but the outlays began trending upward before the revenues. The deficit doesn’t really start its long, steady march until 1932. Of course, for the past quarter century, the national government has been in a deficit mess (even if you measure the proportion of GDP).

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