Hayek on The Volatility Pie

In the Road to Serfdom, Friedrich Hayek uses some basic quantitative logic to make an important point about employment and political economy.

Hayek starts by assuming that government jobs are stable relative to those in the private sector. This might seem obvious, but let’s just start by checking the premises. Below are the percent change in total compensation and total employment for government employees and for the private sector. From year to year, private employment and total compensation is more volatile. So, Hayek’s initial premise is correct.

From there, he proceeds to say that if any part of income or employment is guaranteed or stabilized by the government, then the result must be that the risk and volatility is borne elsewhere in the economy. He reasons that if there is a decline in total spending, then stable government pay and employment implies that the private sector must have a deeper recession than the overall economy. Looking at the above graphs, both government employment and the total compensation are much less volatile.

But can’t governments intervene in macroeconomic stabilization policies effectively? Yes! They can and do stabilize the economy, especially with monetary policy. But Hayek is referring to individual stabilizations. For any individual to be guaranteed an income, all others must necessarily experience greater income volatility. How’s that?

Consider two individuals. Person #1 has an average income of $100. In any given year, his income might be $10 – or 10% – higher or lower than average. For the moment, person #2 is not employed and has income volatility of zero. If the government provides a job with a constant pay rate to person #2, then they still have zero income volatility. But instead of earning a consistent $0, person #2 earns a consistent $50. Nice.

Of course, person #2 gets his pay from somewhere. By one means or another, it comes from person #1. Let’s be generous and assume the tax on person #1 has no resulting behavioral effect. His new average income is $50, being $10 higher or lower in any given year. But now, that $10 deviation is over a base of $50 rather than $100. Person #1’s income varies by 20% relative to his new average!

Reasoning through this, we can consider that a person has a stable portion of their income and a volatile portion. If someone takes a part of your stable portion and leaves you with all of your volatile portion, then your remaining income is now more volatile on average. I think that this point is interesting enough all by itself.

IRL, many of our taxes are not lump sum. Rather, progressive taxation causes a negative incentive for production & earnings. The downside is that we produce less. The upside is that the government takes a higher proportion of our volatile income than of our stable income (because income changes are always on the margin and those marginal dollars are taxed at a higher rate). So, the government shares the income volatility of the private sector. By continuing to pay government employees a stable salary, the government is effectively absorbing some of that year-to-year income volatility on behalf of its employees.* The government is, in a sense, providing income insurance to a subgroup.

What does this have to do with The Road to Serfdom? Hayek argues that, as the government employs an increasing proportion of the population, the remaining private sector experiences increasing income and employment volatility. Such volatility increases private risk exposure so much that people begin to fawn over and increasingly compete for the stability found in government work. He gets anthropological and argues that the economic attraction to government jobs will introduce greater competition for those jobs and subsequently greater esteem and respect for those who are able to get them. This process makes the government jobs even more attractive.

My own two cents is that there is nothing internally unstable about this process. Total real income would fall compared to the alternative. However, such a state of affairs might be externally unstable as other governments/economies compete with the increasingly socialist one.


*An important analogue is that firms behave in a similar way. An individual may receive a relatively constant salary so long as they are employed. But the result must be that the firm bears more of the net-profit volatility. So, as more people want stable private sector jobs, the profit volatility of firms would increase and result in greater [seemingly windfall] profits and losses.

Parental Job Lock

The Affordable Care Act was supposed to make it easier for American workers to switch jobs by making it easier to get health insurance from sources other than their current employer. Mostly it didn’t work out that way. But a new paper finds that one piece of the ACA actually made people less likely to switch jobs.

The ACA Dependent Coverage Mandate required family health insurance plans to cover young adults though age 26, when prior to the 2010 passage of the ACA many had to leave the family plan at age 18 or 19. I thought these newly covered young adults would be more likely to switch jobs or start businesses, but there turned out to be absolutely no effect on job switching, and no overall increase in businesses (though it did seem to increase the number of disabled young adults starting businesses, and other parts of the ACA increased business formation among older adults).

But while the Dependent Coverage mandate seems not to have reduced job lock for young adults, it increased job lock among their parents. That is the finding of a new paper in the Journal of Public Economics by Hannah Bae, Katherine Mackel, and Maggie Shi. Using a large dataset with exact months of age and coverage, MarketScan, allows them to estimate precise effects:

We find that dependents just to the right of the December 1985/January 1986 cutoff—those eligible for longer coverage—are more likely to enroll and remain covered for longer once the mandate is in effect. Dependent enrollment increases by 1.8 percentage points at the cutoff, an increase of 9.2 % over the enrollment rate for dependents born in December 1985. In addition, the enrollment duration increases by 9.7 days (14.6 %). Turning to their parents, we find that parental job retention likelihood increases by 1.0 percentage point (1.8 %) and job duration increases by 5.8 days (1.6 %) to the right of the cutoff. When scaled by the estimated share of dependents on end of year plans, our findings imply that 12 additional months of dependent coverage correspond to a 7.7 % increase in job retention likelihood and a 7.0 % increase in retention duration.

Source: Figure 2 of Bae, Mackel and Shi 2025

I believe in this parental job lock effect partly because of their data and econometric analysis, and partly through introspection. I plan to work for years after I have the money to retire myself in order to keep benefits for my kids, though personally I’m more interested in tuition remission than health insurance.

On top of working longer though, benefits like these enable employers to pay parents lower money wages. A 2022 Labour Economics paper from Seonghoon Kim and Kanghyock Koh found that the Dependent Coverage Mandate “reduced parents’ annual wages by about $2600 without significant reductions in the probability of employment and working hours.” But at least their kids are better off for it.

Is Everyone Going to Europe This Summer?

I had planned to write about the Trump-BLS fight today. But considering that two of my co-bloggers have already written about this (Mike on Monday and Scott on Tuesday) and that I have written about supposedly “fake” jobs numbers before several times (see January 2024 and August 2024), I will hold off on that topic until all of the dust settles. But this is a very important topic, and I believe Trump is clearly in the wrong (as is Kevin Hassett, see my tweets from this week), so please do continue to follow this topic and sane voices on it (see a Tweet from Ernie Tedeschi and from me for a long-run perspective on data accuracy).

But now, on to something a little more light-hearted: is everyone traveling to Europe these days?

Judging by my Facebook feed, it seems that Yes, lots of people are traveling to Europe. But this could be a result of selection bias in at least two ways: the people I am friends with on Facebook, and what people choose to post about on Facebook.

So what does the hard data say? We actually have pretty good long-run data on this question. In short: yes, lots more Americans are traveling to Europe (and overseas generally). Though don’t worry: not everyone went to Europe this summer, despite what social media might have you believe.

For starters, here’s a chart showing three decades of US overseas travel:

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Bureau of Labor Statistics Under Siege

Thousands of keyboards were likely drenched four days ago as coffee spewed from thousands of nostrils upon reading the headlines that President Trump fired the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics because he (the prez) didn’t like the July 2025 job numbers that were reported. Apparently, the job stats were not as great as we had been led to expect for the new regime of tariffs and deportations. (Someone should inform the politicians that businessmen need predictability for making any expansionary plans). So, shoot the messenger, that will fix it.

The First Ire was apparently kindled especially by the truly massive downward revisions to the May (-125,000) and June (-133,000) job figures, which reduced the combined employment gain for those months by 258,000. That made for three anemic employment months in a row, which is a different picture that had been earlier portrayed. For those unfamiliar with past BLS reports, that could seem like manipulation or gross incompetence. For instance, whitehouse.gov published an article titled, “BLS Has Lengthy History of Inaccuracies, Incompetence”, excoriating the “Biden-appointed”, now-fired Erika McEntarfer who “consistently published overly optimistic jobs numbers — only for those numbers to be quietly revised later.”

But massive overestimations of jobs creation, followed a month or two or three later by massive downward revisions are pretty standard procedure for the BLS in recent years. Fellow blogger Jeremy Horpedahl has noted prior occurrences of this, e.g. here and here. There is no reason to suspect nefarious motives, though. The understaffed and overworked folks at BLS seem to be doing the best they can. It is just a fact that some key data simply is not available as early as other data. There are also rational adjustments, e.g. seasonal trends, that must first be estimated, and only later get revised.

Bloomberg explains some of the fine points of the recent revisions:

The downward revision to the prior two months was largely a result of seasonal adjustment for state and local government education, BLS said in earlier comments to Bloomberg. Those sectors substantially boosted June employment only to be largely revised away a month later.

But economists say the revisions also point to a more concerning, underlying issue of low response rates.

BLS surveys firms in the payrolls survey over the course of three months, gaining a more complete picture as more businesses respond. But a smaller share of firms are responding to the first poll. Initial collection rates have repeatedly slid below 60% in recent months — down from the roughly 70% or more that was the norm before the pandemic.

In addition to the rolling revisions to payrolls that BLS does, there’s also a larger annual revision that comes out each February to benchmark the figures to a more accurate, but less timely data source. BLS puts out a preliminary estimate of what that revision will be a few months in advance, and last year [2024], that projection was the largest since 2009.

Perhaps it would be wise for the BLS to hang a big “preliminary” label on any of the earlier results they publish, to minimize the howls when the big revisions hit later. Or perhaps some improvements could be made in pre-adjusting the adjustments, since revisions there do seem to swing things around outrageously. I expect forthcoming BLS reports to be the subject of derision from all sides. We all know which parties will scoff if the job report looks great or if it looks not great. Presumably the interim head of the Bureau, William Wiatrowski, is busy polishing his resume.

And POTUS should be careful what he wishes for – “great” job growth numbers would, ironically, strengthen the case for the Fed to delay the interest rate cuts he so desires.

Organization of the Federal Reserve – OR, Why The President is Impotent against the Fed

In my recent post that included Federal Reserve political independence, I dared to use the word ‘trust’, and commenters let me know that they were not pleased about it. In strict economic terms, there is no such thing as trust. Either that, or it’s the same thing as expectations or maybe low-information expectations. Since it wasn’t the main thrust of my post, I didn’t lay-out the informed reasoning behind my confidence in President Trump’s inability to cause Argentina or Turkey or even 1970’s US levels of political influence on the Fed.

In short, I’m not worried about it because the operational structure of the Fed and the means by which individuals join the Fed are determined by congress and are pretty robust. Below is a diagram that I made. I know that it’s a lot, but I’ll explain below.

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GDP Predictions: Pretty Good!

Last week I wrote about the GDP predictions from Kalshi and the GDPNow Model. They were both showing 2.4% for Q2 of 2025 last week. They both changed slightly by yesterday, up to 2.8% and 2.9%. The final result (technically, the “advanced” result, but the final one for purposes of this comparison) was 2.97%. The Atlanta Fed GDPNow model continues to be a top performer, and you can’t do much better than averaging these two estimates. And you can pretty consistently do better than the median result from the WSJ/Dow Jones survey of economists.

Here’s the updated table:

And here is the original post explaining the data.

I’m Chair! 😬

As of July 1st of this year, I am the Chairman of the Department of Economics at my university. It’s one of those positions that includes more work and not much compensation. Depending on who I tell, I’m given both congratulations and condolences. Generally, at my university there is an expectation that department faculty ‘take turns’ being chair. So, we’re expected to serve whether the pay is good or not. There’s a lot of informal practice around this process.

In addition, Economics Majors have been less popular at liberal arts institutions over the past several years. No one knows why and there are probably multiple reasons. At my institution, our department has healthy enrollment among the peripheral majors. So, the Economics BA and BS have lower enrollment, but the Business Economics and the Global Affairs majors are more popular than ever.

All the same, I’d like to increase the number of students who have declared majors in our department and the number of Economics graduates. How do I do that?

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Is A Music Major Worth It?

Our new paper concludes that the answer is a resounding “It Depends”.

It depends on your answer to the following questions:

  1. If you didn’t major in music, would you major in something else, or not finish college?
  2. How dead set are you on a career in music?
Source: Figure 1 of Bailey and Smith (2025)

We found that

  1. Music majors earn more than people who didn’t graduate from college, even if they don’t end up working as musicians
  2. Among musicians, music majors earn more than other majors
  3. But among non-musicians, other majors earn much more than music majors

So on average a music major means higher income if you would be a musician anyway, or if you wouldn’t have gone to college for another major, but lower income than if you majored in something else and worked outside of music. The exact amounts depend on what you control for; this gets complex but this table gives the basic averages before controls:

Source: Table 2 of Bailey and Smith (2025), showing wage plus business income for respondents to the 2018-2022 American Community Survey

For better or worse, a music major also means you are much more likely to be a musician- 113 times more likely, in fact (this is just the correlation, we’re not randomizing people into the major). Despite that incredible correlation, only 9.8% music majors report being professional musicians, and only 22.3% of working musicians were music majors.

Sean Smith had the idea for this paper and wrote the first draft in my Economics Senior Capstone class in 2024. After he graduated I joined the paper as a coauthor to get it ready for journals, and it was accepted at SN Social Sciences last week. We share the data and code for the paper here.

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Second Quarter GDP Predictions

Back in April I wrote about 4 different estimates of GDP growth and how well they have performed since 2023. With the 2nd quarter of 2025 GDP data coming out next week, what do the best performing predictors currently say?

In that last post, I showed that the Atlanta Fed GDPNow model and the Kalshi betting market were generally the best performers. And furthermore, averaging these two improves the predictive power a little more. As of today, the GDPNow model is predicting 2.4% growth and Kalshi is… also predicting 2.4%!

There will be a few more updates to GDPNow over the next week, and of course Kalshi is constantly updating as more people bet. But as of right now, 2.4% growth seems like a reasonable prediction. That may surprise some people, especially given all of the pessimism surrounding tariffs and policy uncertainty generally. But despite all of this, the US economy appears to be just continuing to chug along.

Freedom for Freestanding Birth Centers

Iowa recently joined the growing list of states where midwives or obstetricians can open a freestanding birth center without needing to convince a state board that it is economically necessary. The Des Moines Register provides an excellent summary:

A Des Moines midwife who sued the state for permission to open a new birthing center may have lost a battle in court, but ultimately, she has won the war.

Caitlin Hainley of the Des Moines Midwife Collective sought to open a standalone birthing center in Des Moines, essentially a single-family home repurposed with birthing tubs and other equipment needed to give birth in a comfortable, home-like environment.

To do so, the collective alleged in its 2023 lawsuit, would have required going through a lengthy, expensive regulatory process that would give already established maternity facilities, such as local hospitals, the chance to argue against granting what is known as a certificate of need for the new facility, essentially vetoing competition.

A federal district judge ruled in November that Iowa’s certificate-of-need law is constitutional, finding that legislators had a rational interest in protecting existing hospitals and health care providers.

But while losing the first round in court, the collective’s cause was winning support in a more important venue: the Iowa Capitol. Iowa legislators in their 2025 session passed a bill, which Gov. Kim Reynolds signed on May 1, removing birth centers from the definition of health facilities covered by the certificate-of-need law. The law will formally take effect July 1.

I’m honored to have played a small part in this as the expert witness in the lawsuit.

If you’d like to get involved in making sure birth options are available your state, a great place to start would be to attend the Zoom seminar Roadmap For Reform: Advancing Birth Freedom on July 23rd. It is hosted by the Pacific Legal Foundation, which represented the midwives pro-bono in the Iowa case.

There is strong momentum here with Connecticut, Kentucky, Michigan, Vermont, and West Virginia also recently repealing Certificate of Need requirements for birth centers, but a variety of other barriers remain. States often require freestanding birth centers to obtain a transfer agreement with a nearby hospital before opening to ensure that the hospital will take their emergency cases, even though hospitals are legally required to take all emergency cases. The problem is that hospitals provide both complementary services (emergency care) and substitute services (labor and delivery), and they often choose not to sign transfer agreements in order to prevent competition from a partial substitute. This whole area would benefit both from more academic study, as well as more investigation from antitrust enforcement.

But for today, congratulations to Caitlin Hainley and to Iowa on their victory.