This was surprising to me, as I kind of expected CON laws to harm workers. Certificate of Need laws require many types of health care providers to obtain the permission of a state board before they are allowed to open or expand. This could lead to fewer health care facilities, and so less demand for health care workers, lowering wages and employment. It could also lead to less competition among health care employers, to similar effect.
On the other hand, less competition in the market for health services could raise profits, with room to share them in the form of higher wages. Or, CON being primarily targeted at capital expenditures like facilities and equipment could increase the demand for labor (to the extent that labor and capital are substitutes in health care). All these competing theories seem to cancel out to one big null when we look at the data.
We use 1979-2019 data from the Current Population Survey and a generalized triple-difference approach comparing CON-repealing to CON-maintaining states, and find a bunch of fairly precise zeroes. This holds for many different definitions of “health care worker”: those who work in the health industry, in health occupations, in hospitals, in health care outside hospitals, nurses, physicians, and more.
This is the first word on the topic, not the last; I wouldn’t be too surprised if someone down the road finds that CON does significantly affect health care workers. In this paper we pushed hard on the definition of “health care workers”, but not on “Certificate of Need” or “wages”. We simply classify states as “CON” or “non-CON” because that is what we have data for, but some states have much stricter programs than others, and some day someone will compile the data on this back to the 1970’s. The easier thread to pull on is “wages”. We use one good measure (the natural log of inflation-adjusted hourly real wages), but don’t do any robustness checks around it; considering “business income” could be especially important here. It is also possible that CON affects workers in other ways; we only checked wages and employment.
The full paper is here (ungated here) if you want to read more.
Let me start by saying high rates of inflation, especially unexpected inflation, are bad. Still, it is useful to have some historical context. We’ve experienced the highest inflation rates in a generation lately, especially in 2022, but past generations experienced inflation too. How to compare?
Here’s one approach. Using the latest CPI-U data, we can see that prices on average approximately doubled between March 1996 and February 2024. That’s 335 months to double, or just shy of 28 years. How long did it take prices to double if we keep moving backward in time from March 1996?
It only took 194 months for prices to double from January 1980 until March 1996, just a little over 16 years. Prior to January 1980, prices doubled even quicker, this time taking less than 10 years! Prior to that, it took 24 years for prices to double between WW2 and 1970, and before that you have to go back 31 years to 1915 for another doubling. Judged by this, our recent history doesn’t look so bad.
That doesn’t mean everything is OK. As I said above, unexpected inflation is the worst kind, since individuals and businesses aren’t planning for it. And we’ve had 20% inflation in the past 4 years — something not seen since 1991 over a 4-year time period. A 20%+ inflation rate is unusual to us today, but it certainly wasn’t in the past: basically all of the 1970s and 1980s had 20%+ inflation every 4 years, sometimes more than 40% or even 50%.
Finally, while unexpected inflation is bad, we also care about the relationship between wage increases and price increases. We can rightfully bemoan rapid, unexpected price inflation, but if wages are increasing faster than inflation, we are still better off (on average). The BLS average hourly wage series for production and non-supervisory workers only goes back to 1964, so we can’t do a full comparison with the CPI-U, but we can compare the three most recent doublings of prices.
Keep in mind with the chart above that prices (as measured by the CPI-U) increased by 100% for each of these time periods. So, for the 1970s and 1980-1996 periods, wages actually rose by less than rate of inflation — wage stagnation! If we used the PCE price index instead, those time periods still don’t look good: PCE prices increased by 88% for 1970-1980, 85% from 1980-1996, and 78% since 1996. With either price index, the 1996-2024 period is clearly the best of these three, and it’s not even really close.
Let me finish where I started: the recent inflation is bad. I don’t want to downplay that. But some historical perspective is also useful.
Today I’ll go into more detail on several measures of the labor force, but I won’t only compare it to 2019. I’ll compare it to all available data. And the sum total of the data suggests the 2023 was one of the best years for the US labor market on record. Note: December 2023 data isn’t available until January 5th, so I’m jumping the gun a little bit. I’m going to assume December looks much like November. We can revisit in 2 weeks if that was wrong.
The Unemployment Rate has been under 4% for the entire year. The last time this happened (date goes back to 1948) was 1969, though 2022 and 2019 were both very close (just one month at 4%). In fact, the entire period from 1965-1969 was 4% or less, though following January 1970 there wasn’t single month under 4% under the year 2000!
Like GDP, the Unemployment Rate is one of the broadest and most widely used macro measures we have, but they are also often criticized for their shortcomings, as I wrote in an April 2023 post.
With that in mind, let’s look to some other measures of the labor market.
Lately many journalists and folks on X/Twitter have pointed out a seeming disconnect: by almost any normal indicator, the US economy is doing just fine (possibly good or great). But Americans still seem dissatisfied with the economy. I wanted to put all the data showing this disconnect into one post.
In particular, let’s make a comparison between November 2019 and November 2023 economic data (in some cases 2019q3 and 2023q3) to see how much things have changed. Or haven’t changed. For many indicators, it’s remarkable how similar things are to probably the last month before anyone most normal people ever heard the word “coronavirus.”
First, let’s start with “how people think the economy is doing.” Here’s two surveys that go back far enough:
The University of Michigan survey of Consumer Sentiment is a very long running survey, going back to the 1950s. In November 2019 it was at roughly the highest it had ever been, with the exception of the late 1990s. The reading for 2023 is much, much lower. A reading close to 60 is something you almost never see outside of recessions.
The Civiqs survey doesn’t go back as far as the Michigan survey, but it does provide very detailed, real-time assessments of what Americans are thinking about the economy. And they think it’s much worse than November 2019. More Americans rate the economy as “very bad” (about 40%) than the sum of “fairly good” and “very good” (33%). The two surveys are very much in alignment, and others show the same thing.
In the October 1980 Presidential debate, Ronald Reagan famously asked that question to the American voters. His next sentence made it clear he was talking about the relationship between prices and wages, or what economists call real wages: “is it easier for you to go and buy things in the stores than it was four years ago?”
Reagan was a master of political rhetoric, so it’s not surprising that many have tried to copy his question in the years since 1980. For example, Romney and Ryan tried to use this phrase in their 2012 campaign against Obama. But it’s a good question to ask! While the President may have less control over the economy than some observers think, the economy does seem to be a key factor in how voters decide (for example, Ray Fair has done a pretty good job of predicting election outcomes with a few major economic variables).
Voters in 2024 will probably be asking themselves a similar question, and both parties (at least for now) seem to be actively encouraging voters to make such a comparison. We still have 12 months of economic data to see before we can really ask the “4 years” question, but how would we answer that question right now? Here’s probably the best approach to see if people are “better off” in terms of being able to “go and buy things at the stores”: inflation-adjusted wages. This chart presents average wages for nonsupervisory workers, with two different inflation adjustments, showing the change over a 4-year time period.
Continuing my tradition of Thanksgivingposts, Farm Bureau released today the latest data on the cost of a traditional Thanksgiving meal. There is welcome news for consumers, as the nominal price of the dinner is slightly lower than last year: $61.17 vs. $64.05 in 2022. The big factor in this decline was the fall in the price of turkeys, though eight of the 12 items in this meal are lower than 2022. As they note in the press release, this is still significantly higher than 2019: about 25% higher.
Regular readers will know what’s coming. Let’s compare those prices (and some historical prices) to earnings:
The Farm Bureau turkey dinner stands at about 5.5 percent of median weekly earnings from the third quarter of this year. That’s a touch higher than 2019, when it was 5.3 percent of weekly earnings. But notice that other than 2019, the figure for 2023 is the lowest ever! (Ignoring the weird years of the pandemic, when wage data is hard to interpret.) So we haven’t quite gotten back to 2019 levels, but we are at the same level as 2018. And lower than 2017. And all prior years too.
The last few Thanksgivings have been tough for Americans. This year, we can all be thankful for falling prices and rising wages.
It’s the time of the year when we share ideas for things to buy, possibly as Christmas or other holiday gifts. But I’m going to share with you not a specific thing to buy, but instead a method for buying things. And probably not the kind of thing you might think of sticking in a wrapped present: food.
We’ve all heard about and felt inflation lately. But food prices have been especially noticeable to consumer, and not just because it’s a product you frequently buy and probably know the price of many food items. Food prices, both at home and restaurants, have increased much more than the average price levels.
On average, prices are up about 20 percent in the US over the past 4 years. But food prices are up about 25 percent, on average.
Wages (the purple line) actually have increase faster than the general price level over the past 4 years — that may shock you given what we constantly hear in the traditional and social media about “price increases outpacing wage gains” — but it is true when we are talking about food. Your dollar doesn’t go quite as far as it used to for food.
In some sense these costs are hard to avoid: food is a necessity. But there are ways to reduce your costs, and you probably know the general tips. Eat less at restaurants. Buy generic. Buy in bulk. Etc. These are good tips, but they all involve some sacrifice or annoyance. Is there anything else a consumer can do?
Yes. Here’s a few tips that can save you money, without the sacrifice. There is some thought involved, and perhaps a slight annoyance, but I’ve found that once you get in these habits, the mental and time cost is pretty low.
1. RESTAURANT APPS
You should always be ordering your food through restaurant apps when possible, especially for fast food. I try to track limited good deals on Twitter, but most restaurants offer on-going good deals. For example, McDonalds usually has a 20% off coupon, just for using the app. Taco Bell has a $6 box you can build, which would cost around $10 to order as a combo or à la carte at the restaurant. That’s a 40% discount for using the app.
Using apps also means you are using the restaurant’s rewards programs. Valuations vary, but McDonald’s rewards are roughly worth 10% cash back.
2. CHASE THE SALES AT GROCERY STORES
Clipping coupons is the classic way of saving money at the grocery store (we even have reality shows about it), but in the modern world grocery stores have expanded the ways to effectively save the same amount of money. The clearest example is, once again, the rise of apps. Stores will often have “digital only” coupons that you need to access through their app (which is also tied to your rewards account, just like restaurants).
While I’m a strong advocate of coupon clipping (and the virtual equivalent), it can be time consuming. Another strategy that can save you is thinking ahead about seasonal and other cyclical prices. For example, my kids like M&M’s. We usually buy a bulk 62-ounce container at Sam’s Club (already a savings), but today I took the additional saving step of buying the Halloween-themed bulk container. It was 36 percent less than the identical Christmas-themed M&M’s container right next to it. And I was replacing the Easter-themed bulk container that we purchased back in April, and they just finished.
Of course, I had to be planning ahead and know that November 1st was a great day to buy M&M’s. That takes some mental effort, sure. And you might think these kinds of deals are fairly limited in nature. But holidays aren’t the only kind of seasonal deals. For example, even though most fruit is generally available year-round now, there are still predictable price cycles of when things are “in season” and when they have to be imported from expensive locations. Even if you are only able to find these cyclical deals for 10 percent of your purchases, saving 30-50% on cyclical goods will shave another 3-5% off your grocery bill — bringing it closer in line to the average increase in prices (and wages).
3. CASH BACK CREDIT CARDS
I could write an entire post about credit card rewards. But let me focus here on credit cards that are especially good for buying food. At a minimum you should be getting 2 percent back on all of your purchases, as there are several no-annual-fee cards that give you 2 percent: the Citi Double Cash and Wells Fargo Active Cash are good examples.
But on food purchases, you should be able to beat 2 percent. For example, the Citi Custom Cash card gives you 5 percent back on your top spending category each month, up to $500 of spending. This can be on either groceries or restaurants. And since a family in the median quintile spends $250 at restaurants and $460 on groceries per month, you should be getting 5 percent back on basically all of your purchases in one of these two categories. (Personally I stick to restaurants for this card, because I buy most of my groceries at Walmart and Sams Club, which don’t count towards the grocery cash back.) Or if you want a simple card that gives you 3 percent back on both groceries and restaurants, check out the Capital One SavorOne card (again, no annual fee).
There are also several cards that have rotating 5 percent cash back categories each quarter, and they often include either restaurants or groceries. How do I keep track of which card to use for what kind of purchase? Simple: put a strip of masking tape on the card with a label. This will get some chuckles from your friends or the server at the restaurant, but that’s just an opportunity to tell them how to save money too!
Is There Really a Free Lunch?
Some of my economist friends are probably skeptical at this point. Aren’t I say there is a free lunch here? Isn’t the extra hassle of the steps I suggested going to outweigh any discount you get?
The answer is No. And while economists are quick to bring up the concept of opportunity cost, I find that most people tend to overestimate their opportunity cost. But even if you don’t overestimate your opportunity cost, you can bring in another useful economic concept: price discrimination.
Restaurants are very much in the business of price discrimination, and always have been. Tuesday Night specials, happy hours, etc. Every consumer has a different willingness to pay, and since it’s hard to resell a restaurant meal, restaurants can potentially use this technique to their advantage (and yours, if you are willing to look for discrimination). Grocery stores don’t have as much of an opportunity to discriminate, but they still find ways.
Don’t be afraid of price discrimination: use it to your advantage!
Inflation has been constantly in the news over the past 2 years, but it has especially been in the news lately with regards to one country: Argentina. That country has been experiencing triple-digit annual inflation lately, and it has become one of the key issues in the current presidential race.
How bad is inflation in Argentina? Here’s a comparison to some other G20 countries from September 2019 through September 2023 (data from the OECD).
Cumulative consumer price inflation in Argentina over the past 4 years is over 800 percent. That means goods which cost 100 pesos in September 2019 now costs 900 pesos, on average. Well, they did in September. It’s almost November now, so if the recent inflation rates persisted, those goods are around 1,000 pesos now.
Turkey also stands out as a country with very rapid inflation the past 4 years — without Argentina on the chart, Turkey would clearly stand out from the rest. But other than Turkey, all the other countries are bunched at the bottom. Has there not been much difference among them? Not quite.
This next chart removes Argentina and Turkey:
In this second chart we see two standouts on the opposite end of the spectrum: Japan and Switzerland have had extremely low inflation, just 6 and 5 percent cumulatively since late 2019 (and this is not unusual for these two countries in recent history).
For us here in the USA, things don’t look so good. Only Brazil and the EU are higher (and the EU is mostly due to energy price inflation in Eastern Europe), so other than that we are basically tied with the UK for the worst inflation performance among very high income countries during the pandemic. That’s bad news! But perhaps one silver lining is that average wages in the US have outpaced inflation slightly: 23 percent vs 20 percent growth over this time period. That’s not much to celebrate — except relative to most of the rest of the world.
Last weekend I had the opportunity to visit an arcade, but not one of those modern fancy arcades with virtual reality, laser tag, etc. This arcade specializes in having old-school games, primarily pinball, but also early video arcade games. You pay a cover charge ($5 for kids, $10 for adults), and then you use quarters to play the games. But here’s the cool part: the price of the games is the same as it was when the games were first released.
As an economist, of course, I was very interested in the prices.
They had pinball machines that dated back the 1960s, and video games from the late 1970s. Most video arcade games were around 50 cents for the early games (late 1970s and early 1980s). But the pinball machines started out at 25 cents, with the earliest game they had being a Bally Blue Ribbon machine, manufactured in 1965 (interestingly, some of the earlier machines had slots for both dimes and quarters — I assume the price was adjustable mechanically). Notably, you also got to play 5 balls for this price (3 balls seems to be standard later on).
How should we think about that 25 cents? A standard reaction is to adjust the number for inflation. Using the CPI-U as the inflation index, that means the 25 cents from 1965 is “worth” about $2.40 now. That’s interesting, but I don’t think it really provides the relevance that we want today.
An alternative is to calculate the “time price” of playing the game. Using the average hourly wage of $2.67 in December 1965, we can calculate that it would take about 5.5 minutes of work to pay for that game — a game which probably only lasts about 5.5 minutes, unless you are really good at it!
Another comparison we could do is with the cost of video games today compared with wages today. But that’s not really a fair comparison — video games are much more advanced today. We would need to do some sort of quality adjustment, which is overly complicated.
But, at least in my case, there is no need to do the quality adjustment — I can play the exact same game as 1965. In fact, I did (several times). There was also that $10 cover charge that I mentioned, and if I spread that fixed cost over 40 games, it cost me about 50 cents per play (including the 25 cents to start the machine) to play the 1965 Bally’s Blue Ribbon Pinball machine. At the average wage today of $29 per hour, it takes about 1 minute to afford a play of that same game. In other words, my Blue-Ribbon-Pinball standard of living is about 5.5 times greater than in 1965.
Now this isn’t to say we are 5.5 times better off overall than 1965. Prices don’t stay constant for most goods! But hopefully it is a useful way to think about that 25 cent price tag from the past, and how to compare it to today.
You may have heard that there is a new viral song which deals with a few economic issues. Noah Smith has a good analysis of “Rich Men North of Richmond,” which he mostly finds to be incorrect in its analysis (for example, of welfare policy). But Smith does say that the song has a point: manufacturing wages haven’t performed well in recent years. Not only has pay for factory workers “[lagged] the national average in recent years,” for those workers in Virginia, it’s lower in real terms than in 2010.
Well that all doesn’t sound good! Smith is only going back to about 2000 with the data he shows. What if we took a longer run perspective? What if we took a really long-run perspecitive?
Here’s wages for blue-collar factor workers that goes back to 1939 in the US:
The wage data (for manufacturing production workers) is from BLS and the PCE price index is from the BEA. What do you notice as you look at the data?
First, it is true that the last 20 years or so hasn’t been great. Only about 8% cumulative growth since 2002. That’s not great!
But as you look back further, you’ll notice that gains are substantial. Compared to what some might consider the “golden age” of manufacturing wages, the early 1950s, real wages have roughly doubled. It’s true, the growth rate from 1939-1973 is much, much better than the following 50 years. Wouldn’t it be nice if that growth rate had continued! But no doubt you’ve seen many memes saying something like “in the 1950s you could support a family on one high-school graduate income, but not today!” This data suggests that view of the 1950s is a little distorted by nostalgia.
One final thing to note: we might think that one big change in recent decades is that a lot more compensation goes to benefits, rather than wages. There’s actually a total compensation series for blue-collar workers going all the way back to 1790:
The total compensation data, as well as the CPI data that I used to inflation-adjust the figures (to 2022 dollars), comes from the fantastic resource Measuring Worth. This is a total compensation measurement, so it includes benefits, but the source data tells us that up until the late 1930s, it’s really just a wage measure. So potentially we could splice this together with the above chart, to get a “wage only” series covering the entire history of the US.
However, when we look at total compensation, we still see the post-1970s stagnation. Real compensation is roughly the same as about 1977. Yikes! Note here that we’re using the CPI, since the PCE index only goes back to 1929, and the CPI tends to overstate inflation (yes, that’s right, sorry CPI truthers). Still, it’s not the most optimistic picture.
Or isn’t it? With all of the automation and global competition in manufacturing coming on board in the past 50 years, perhaps our baseline is that things could have been much worse. In any case, if we look at total compensation, it’s currently about double what it was in the post-WW2 era. That’s even with the dip in 2022 due to high CPI inflation.
Wages and compensation of blue-collar productions workers have indeed been growing slowly for the past few decades. That much is true. On the other hand, they are still among the highest they have ever been in history, over 50 times (not 50%, 50 times!) higher than at the birth of this nation. This ranks them as probably the highest wages anywhere in world history for an occupation that doesn’t require an advanced degree. That history is worth knowing.
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