Parkinson’s Law Before Class

Parkinson’s Law, the principle that “work expands to fill the time available for its completion,” was originally intended as a satirical observation on bureaucratic inefficiencies. However, it has broader applications, especially in academic life. When preparing to teach an intermediate microeconomics class, for example, I often find that Parkinson’s Law applies: no matter how much time I dedicate, there’s always more content, illustrative examples, and analysis that could be included. The time invested in preparation creates a tradeoff between covering the broad spectrum of microeconomic theories versus delving deeply into a few core concepts. Either approach can be effective, but Parkinson’s Law reminds me that more preparation doesn’t always imply improvement.

Teaching intermediate microeconomics presents a natural tradeoff between breadth and depth. The course covers foundational concepts like consumer and producer theory, market structures, and welfare economics, and each of these areas is rich with intricate details, special cases, and real-world applications. A broader approach would expose students to more topics, providing a more comprehensive view of microeconomics. Exploring fewer topics fosters more critical thinking and analytical skills. Too much preparation on one topic can detract from time that could be spent introducing other essential concepts… Or other classes for that matter.

Let’s say I have a few hours to prepare for a Monday lecture on consumer theory. I might fall into a spiral of over-preparation: digging into endless variations of consumer surplus or finding additional applications that illustrate price elasticity. This is precisely what Parkinson’s Law warns against; if I pour time into my preparation, then the lecture becomes denser beyond the ideal for my students’ comprehension.

The extra hours may result in a more detailed presentation, but this doesn’t necessarily mean better learning outcomes. A concise, well-planned lecture is often just as effective—if not more so—than one crammed with detail. Overwhelming students with information that won’t stick is bad pedagogy.

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Un Poco Loco, But Effective? Almost 1 Year of President Milei

I don’t like to follow politics, much less politics in another country. Policy on the other hand? I’m always hooked.

Most of us have heard of President Javier Milei by now. He became Argentina’s president in December of 2023. Prior, he had been in charge of a private pension company, a university professor who taught macroeconomics, had hosted a radio show, and has written several books. See his Wikipedia entry for more.

What makes him worth talking about is that he appears a little… unique. He’s boisterous and rattles off economic stories and principles like he wants you to get up and do something about it. To anyone in the US, he looks and behaves like a weird 3rd-party candidate – sideburns and all. He’s different. Here he is bombastically identifying which government departments he would eliminate:

I’ve enjoyed the spectacle, but haven’t paid super close attention. I know that he is libertarian in political outlook, drops references to Austrian economists and their ideas by the handful, and doesn’t mince words. Here he is talking at the Davos World Forum (English & Dubbed).

So what?

Argentina has a long history of high inflation and debt defaults. Every president always says that they’ll fix it, and then they don’t. There have been periods of lower inflation, but they don’t persist. Among Milei’s stated goals was to end that cycle and bring down inflation. His plan was to substantially reign in deficit spending by eliminating entire areas of government. We’re now approaching a year since Milei took office, and I thought that I would check in. Below is the CPI for Argentina since 2018. As soon as Milei took office prices spiked, but have started coming down more recently. Similarly, the Argentine Peso has fallen in value by 50% since he’s taken office. Ouch!

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Interest Rates & Wining

There’s so much to say about interest rates. Many people think about them in the context of whether they should refinance or in terms of their impact on borrowing. But interest rates also matter for production beyond impacting loans for new productive projects. Interest rates aren’t just a topic for debtors.

Interest rates impact all production that takes time. That’s the same as saying that interest rates affect all production – but the impact is easier to see for products that require more time to produce.

There’s this nice model called ‘Portfolio Theory’. Taken literally, it says that everything you own can be evaluated in terms of its liquidity, the time until it will be sold, its expected returns, and the volatility and correlation of those returns. Once you start to look at the world with this model, then it’s much easier to interpret. Buying a car? That’s usually a bad investment. It’s better to tie up a smaller amount of money into that depreciating asset rather than to let a larger sum of money experience dependably negative returns. Of course, this assumes that there are alternative uses for your money and alternative places to invest your resources – hopefully in assets with growing rather than decaying value. People often recommend purchasing used cars rather than new cars. Both new and used cars are bad investments and you can choose to invest a lot or a little.

Producers make a similar calculation. All kinds of things motivate them: love, tradition, excellence…  But everyone responds to incentives. Consider vintners. They might be a farmer of grapes and a manufacturer and seller of wine. They might like to talk about nostalgia, forward notes, a peppery nose, and other finer things. But even they respond to prices and opportunity cost.

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Florida Ballot Initiatives 2024

The November election in Florida will include 6 proposed amendments to the Florida State Constitution. They only pass if at least 60% of voters vote YES. Here are some brief takes from an economic perspective.

Amendment 1: Partisan Election of Members of District School Boards

Currently, school district boards are locally elected and they do not have a party affiliation listed on the ballot. If passed, the amendment would permit party affiliation to be on the ballot. Partisan primaries would also be introduced, reducing the number of candidates in the general elections. The argument in favor is that party affiliation itself communicates information to voters. Removing that information forces voters to abstain, vote randomly, or to vote based on other information.

An argument against is that, in Florida, only registered party members may vote in primaries. If passed, parties will endorse particular candidates according to the primary results, winnowing the field. I happen to live in a county with an overwhelming republican majority, so the party-endorsed candidate will probably win. The outcome will be that the median republican primary-voter will choose the winning candidate in the primary rather than the median voter during the election. Voting “YES” aggregates information from a smaller set of voters.

I’ll vote NO.

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Federalism in Action: The Case of Alcohol and Local Autonomy

Where would you expect Federalism to occur? In other words, where would expect a government to devolve authority to a lower government. Importantly, this is different from freedom vs authoritarianism. The lower government might choose to be more or less free. For example, right now in Florida there is a state-wide constitutional amendment on the ballot that would enshrine each individual’s right to hunt and fish. Ignoring the particulars of what that means, it’s clearly a step toward centralizing policy rather than decentralizing it. Central governments can be strong and protect citizens, or they can strip us of rights. Either way, being small players and far-removed, it’s difficult for us to affect the policy decisions.

That concern is philosophical, however. Maybe my opinion shouldn’t matter (one could easily argue). Even as a matter of prudence, one-size-fits all sets a standard, but the standard may not be a good fit for every locality and circumstance. There is a trade-off between ease of navigating a uniform policy across the land and customized policies that are particular to local priorities. Given that Americans can vote, is there a way for us to think about when a policy will be (should be?) centralized vs decentralized?

There is a great case study by Strumpf & Oberholzer-Gee* on the matter of alcohol policy after the end of national prohibition. The US has a dizzying array of liquor laws across the country and even across states. Some states have a central policy of dry or wet, while others devolve the authority to lower governments. How should we think about that policy? What determines the policy of central versus devolved authority?

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Interpreting New DIDs

If you didn’t know already, the past five years has been a whirl-wind of new methods in the staggered Differences-in-differences (DID) literature – a popular method to try to tease out causal effects statistically. This post restates practical advice from Jonathan Roth.

The prior standard was to use Two-Way-Fixed-Effects (TWFE). This controlled for a lot of unobserved variation over individuals or groups and time. The fancier TWFE methods were interacted with the time relative to treatment. That allowed event studies and dynamic effects.

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Human Capital is Technologically Contingent

The seminal paper in the theory of human capital by Paul Romer. In it, he recognizes different types of human capital such as physical skills, educational skills, work experience, etc. Subsequent macro papers in the literature often just clumped together some measures of human capital as if it was a single substance. There were a lot of cross-country RGDP per capita comparison papers that included determinants like ‘years of schooling’, ‘IQ’, and the like.

But more recent papers have been more detailed. For example, the average biological difference between men and women concerning brawn has been shown to be a determinant of occupational choice. If we believe that comparative advantage is true, then occupational sorting by human capital is the theoretical outcome. That’s exactly what we see in the data.

Similarly, my own forthcoming paper on the 19th century US deaf population illustrates that people who had less sensitive or absent ability to hear engaged in fewer management and commercial occupations, or were less commonly in industries that required strong verbal skills (on average).

Clearly, there are different types of human capital and they matter differently for different jobs. Technology also changes what skills are necessary to boot. This post shares some thoughts about how to think about human capital and technology. The easiest way to illustrate the points is with a simplified example.

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The Consumingest States of 2023

This post is quick and simple. We all know that states have different land areas and different populations. We also know that different states produce different amounts of output. We have a pretty good sense for which are the ‘big’ states since these things often go hand-in-hand. But what about household spending on consumption? It’s easy to imagine that some states produce plenty but then invest the proceeds. So, which states consume the most relative to their income?

The map above illustrates which states consume more of their income. There’s not much correlation geographically. But, among the ‘big’ states (Texas, California, New York, Illinois), the consumption per GDP is below the average of 67%. Can we make sense of this? As it turns, out more productive states also tend to have a higher per capita output. So, those higher GDP states also have richer populations on average. And, sensibly, those richer populations have lower marginal propensities to consume. They save more. But this is just spit-balling.

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More Immigrants, More Safety

The headlines often read with the criminal threats that illegal/undocumented immigrants pose to the US native population. The story usually includes a heart wrenching and tragic story about a native minor who was harmed by an immigrant and a politician to help propose a solution. There’s also usually a number cited for how many such crimes happened in the most recent year with data. Stories like this are designed to provoke feelings – not to provoke thinkings.

First, the tragic story is probably not representative. Even if it is, the citation of a raw count of crimes is not communicative in a helpful way.  Sometimes politicians will say something like “one victim of a crime by an illegal immigrant is too many”.  But that seems like a silly argument to make *if* immigrants reduce the probability of being a victim of a crime.

I argue that (1) immigrants who commit crimes at a lower probability than the native population cause the native population to be safer and, counterintuitively, (2) immigrants who commit crimes at a *higher* probability than the native population cause the native population to be safer.

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